Jump to content

Polska Roma

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Polska Roma
Languages
Baltic Romani
Religion
Christianity Roman Catholicism
Related ethnic groups
Belaruska Roma, Ruska Roma

Polska Roma are the largest and one of the oldest ethnolinguistic subgroups of Romani people living in Poland. Some Polska Roma also live in Germany, North America, Switzerland, Great Britain and Sweden, The term "Polska Roma" is both an ethnonym of the group and a term used in the academic literature. As such it is distinct from the terms "Polish Roma" or "Roma in Poland" which better denote the broader Roma population in Poland. Polish ethnographer Jerzy Ficowski, writing in the 1950s and 1960s used the term "Polish Lowlander Gypsies" (Polish: Polscy Cyganie Nizinni) to refer to the same group, though this terminology is no longer in widespread use.

Culture[edit]

Polska Roma were nomadic until the twentieth century. They have not assimilated into broader Polish society or the non-Romani cultures of other countries where they live. They are in fact one of the most traditional Romani groups. One exception to this is that the most common surnames among Polska Roma are characteristically Polish (for example Kwiatkowski or Majewski), or occasionally Polonized-German (for example Wajs or Szwarc),also surnames Polonized-Lithuanian (for example Markiewicz or Karolowicz). Polska Roma generally have had a very strict interpretation of Romanipen cultural laws and practices. Some cultural differences arose however within the community during and after World War II because those of the Polska Roma who spent the war in areas controlled by the Soviet Union were able to hold on to orthodox practice, while those under German occupation and threatened by genocide had to compromise the strictness of their traditions in order to survive.

When the Roma fled persecution in the Holy Roman Empire of the German nations in the 16th century, they called themselves Sasytka Roma (German Saxony Gypsies). In western Poland, they adopted the name Polska Roma around the 17th century, as they no longer identified themselves as German Roma, but instead accepted the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth as their homeland. But to this day, many still call themselves Sasytka Roma (a second name for the Sasytka Roma has also been created, "Pluniaki", as they still speak the old accent) as a subgroup of Polska Roma. There are other subgroups of the Polska Roma: Rapaci (from the region of Bohemian Silesia called "Opole" which is now part of Poland, the name Rapaci from "Ka-rpaci - Carpathians" first mentioned in southwest Poland in the 1357 century, and more from 1401st century. first mentioned in Bohemian Silesia in the 1350th century)[1][2], Lesiaki, Berniki (Bare Forytka, Sileciaki "Warsaw Roma"). Omziniaki, Marciny, Bosaki, Ciejaki (extinct in the Second World War), Kaliszaki, Jaglany, Wengerki.[3] [2][3][4]

Gypsy tribes and tribal subgroups in the Northeast

New subgroups that arose through intermarriage with other Roma groups. (marriage with Bergitka Roma, Lovara, Kalderash, Sinti): Galicjaki, Siwaki, Pachowiaki, Puhary, Toniki, Serwy.

They are closely related to Xaladitka Roma, or "Ruska Roma" they are the descendants of the Sasytka Roma and Polska Roma. who emigrated to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth together with the Polska Roma. Because the Xaladitka settled in western Russia in the 17th century, they became more affected by Ruthenian, rather than Polish, culture.[5][4]

The Polska Roma Kings (Siero Rom Formerly called ''Hetman''), belong to the subgroup Sasytka Roma (''Pluniaki''). Henryk Nudziu Kozłowski (died April 2, 2021)[5] – activist of the Roma community in Poland. He served as Siero Roma of the Polish Lowland Gypsies. He was the founder of the Royal Roma Foundation.[6][7] successor Sohn C. Kozlowski.

Henryk Nudziu Kozłowski Was the King (Siero Rom derived from Hetman) of the Polska Roma (Polish Gypsies)

Polska Roma - They are said to be the most populous group in Poland. The most orthodox – for them the most important thing is the Romanipen Code, the so-called decalogue defining how to live. They recognize the authority of the Szero Roma – the guardian of the Romanipen Code. Until 1964 they wandered in carts, the so-called tabor. There is a large German influence in the language, which is another proof of. Those who came to from Germany in the 16th century.

Not all Roma led a nomadic lifestyle in the past. Appearing in Europe, including Poland, they were initially treated favourably, not particularly distinguished by their lifestyle from non-Roma, nor did they live in clusters. It was only when other wandering groups appeared in Europe that all nomads began to arouse resentment and hostility. So wandering became a way to avoid conflict and persecution. Another reason was the search for a better way to earn a living.

ROMANIPEN's internal rules and norms apply only to Roma. When working with Roma, we do not need to know Romanipen![8][6]

You need to understand some basic norms and values:

● Romanipen is a set of unwritten rules and norms passed down from generation to generation – customary law.

● This is a legal regulation that operates within the group.

● Failure to comply with the code risks exclusion.

● The code is guarded by elders. The Polska Roma Different supgroups have produced different „offices” to adjudicate disputes in light of Romanipen – Siero Rom.

● Prohibition of performing certain professions in orthodox/traditional Polska Roma – medical professions, legal professions, professions in which one comes into contact with dirt, impurities, and most importantly, body im- purities or corpses.

● Principles of cleanliness in food preparation.

● There is a functioning division of persons and things into clean and unclean.

● Segregation of roles between men and women is cultivated, different behaviours.

● Elders as a source of knowledge; education is very important in Roma culture (need for children to participate in ceremonies)..

Customs

Traditional clothing of the Polska Roma

● All customs related to family life are regulated by customary law.

● Clothing for both men and women follows certain rules, although traditional attire is only found in orthodox Polska Roma supgroups.

● Faithfulness is an imperative value among Roma and should be strictly ob- served. If either partner commits infidelity, they are judged by the elders. Spouses and family may also decide to resolve the matter themselves, and then everything is settled between families.

● The pompous celebration of important Roma holidays and observance of important customs. The most important Roma celebrations and traditions associated with them are:

- wedding – the tying of hands of the young couple and the blessing of elders and loved ones;

- baptism – the blessing of the child by family and guests, and the making toasts;

- funeral – farewell to the deceased at home by loved ones and family.

The most important principles and values ​​in the Roma community

● Groups – strong intergroup divisions among the Roma groupps and Polska Roma group, the basis of linguistic, cultural, religious and territorial differences;

Traditional clothing of the Polska Roma

● Purity – principles of physical and moral purity similar to the principles of high castes in India; or similar to the principles of the Old Testament Jewish priests; [9][10]

● Hierarchy – respect for elders, respecting their authority;

● Division of roles into male and female;

● Principles of communication – high-context communication, maintaining harmony;

● Language – a source of education through intergenerational transmission; in times of unfavourable history, it helps the Roma community communicate – it is a kind of code understood only by the Roma; it defines belonging to the Roma group.

Family

● Family is treated as the most important value in the Roma community.

● Great emphasis is put on showing respect to elders.

● Families are multi-generational, patriarchal in nature.

● The functioning of the family is regulated by the Romanipen Code.

● A child in a Roma family has a special value. It is seen as a continuation of the family and tradition.

● It is important to strive for prosperity for the whole family, so the importance of resourcefulness and entrepreneurship is emphasized as a means of successfully earning money.

● The good image of the Roma man and woman is taken care of.

OUTFIT

Traditional clothing of the Polska Roma

In the traditional Roma group, clothing is supposed to cover the body, not be provocative. This applies to both men and women. This rule has been pre- served to this day.

Features of women’s attire include modesty. What can be considered characteristic is a long skirt. Traditional women do not wear trousers. Older women wear a headscarf, as well as an apron as a decorative addition to the skirt. They usually have their hair up. Women like eye catching decorations and elegance.

Traditional Roma men are very careful about their appearance. They don’t wear short shorts, instead they like shirts, jackets and suits. Older men wear hats and carry a walking stick. Important in clothing is neatness and attention to detail, such as an elegant watch.

FOOD

● Eating and feasting is an important part of Roma life.

● The most important thing is Patyw, or entertaining.

● During the Patyw, or entertaining of guests, there should be plenty of everything. If guests are not properly catered to, it reflects badly on the host.

● Food preparation must be done in clean conditions. Very great importance is given to the so-called principle of purity/kosherness.

● Products are not mixed during processing. Also, meat is not mixed with fish. Products are prepared in separate dishes.

● It is important to keep the place where you prepare meals clean, and frequent hand washing is recommended.

● Traditional Roma do not eat horse meat.

Traditional clothing of the Polska Roma

● Food that has fallen and come into contact with the floor is unclean and unfit for consumption.

HOLIDAYS

● The Roma celebrate holidays in accordance with the Christian faith. e.g. Christmas, Christmas Eve, Easter, Pentecost. They are very God-fearing.

● A traditional Romani wedding is an important ceremony to which the entire family and all loved ones are invited. Sometimes such weddings number several hundred people.

● In addition to the church wedding, the Roma also have a customary wedding.

● An important custom is the tying of the hands of the bride and groom with a scarf by the oldest people in the family or the Siero Roma - the Head of the Roma.

● Great importance is attached to toasts and wishes.

● At all events in traditional Roma families, women and men sit separately.

● Gifts are not important, the principle is voluntary.

History[edit]

origin[edit]

Polska Roma as a distinct ethnolinguistic group that formed in western Poland in the 16th century from Roma refugees Sasytka Roma (‘German Saxony Gypsies‘) who had migrated to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to escape anti-Romani persecution in the Holy Roman Empire. The migration was the result of a wave of pogroms, persecutions and anti-Romani laws in German territories, and this had a profound impact on the culture and language of the Polska Roma. Compared to other Romani groups, such as the Bergitka Roma ('Polish Carpathian Gypsies' or 'Polish Highlander Gypsies' in Ficowski's terminology), who had actually arrived in Poland in the 16th century, the Polska Roma communities are more closed and suspicious of outsiders (Gadjo), less 'assimilated' and more tied to traditional Romani culture. Their version of the Romani dialect has also absorbed many German words and phrases.[5] It went to Polish lands via Germany. It is a fact that large groups of Roma fled to Poland from Germany due to repression, but this happened only at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries, during the time of Emperor Maximilian I. As for the course of migration, the appearance of reports about the Roma in the south of Poland, where the presence of the Roma was clearly evident as early as the 14th century, is worth highlighting what could be observed in Western Europe, because it was a sedentary and not a nomadic population. Polish sources do not mention pilgrims from Egypt or newcomers in the 15th century, whose appearance and customs would cause general astonishment. However, they report that they leased land, which allows us to assume that the first Roma in Poland may have been wealthy people. For them, a sedentary lifestyle was nothing new, and they were so assimilated that their differences were not recorded. The Roma ( ''Sasytka later Polska'') who arrived from Germany so they also reached Lithuania, and from there to Latvia, Belarus and Russia. The historical source that was supposed to be the basis for this assumption is the privilege of free roaming,issued by Alexander Jagiellon, King of Poland in the years 1501−1506 and Grand Duke of Lithuania reigning in the years 1492−1506. Linguistic research has shown that the Roma from Lithuania, Latvia and Russia use loanwords from Polish and German, which indicates the course of their migration.[4][11][12]

Roma migration overview '' Roma Foundation | Rromani Fundacija''[1]

In the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth[edit]

Between the 16th and 18th centuries, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, like other European states, passed anti-Roma legislation. However, unlike in most European countries, these laws were rarely enforced in large measure because the Roma found powerful protectors among the Szlachta (Polish nobility) and benign neglect. Polish nobles, magnates and landowners, placed a high value on the traditional crafts of the Roma, such as metallurgy, farming, and wheelwrighting, as well musical skills (which became a standard staple of important occasions), the Polska Roma were usually exempted from the feudal restrictions that tied Polish peasants to the land. They were free to continue the nomadic lifestyle during most of the year, as long as they arrived in the "home town" on pre-specified market days. In that respect, the Polska Roma occupied social strata above that of the Polish peasants and other Roma populations, such as the Carpathian Roma (whose mobility was restricted).

In many large magnate latifundia, the communities of Polska Roma were also given the right to have a "king," chosen to represent them in legal disputes with outsiders. However, over time, the office became a source of corruption. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the persons were often chosen from outside their group and tended to pursue personal rather than community interests.

Additional anti-Roma laws were passed in Poland and Lithuania when Augustus the Strong, the Elector of Saxony, was elected king of Poland in 1697. Saxony, like most German states of the time had very strong anti-Roma legislation (Roma men were to be killed on sight, often with a bounty paid for their ears, while Roma women and children were disfigured, branded and banished) and upon Augustus' inauguration some of these laws were transferred to the Commonwealth. However, a distinction was made between the laws applicable in Augustus' home state of Saxony and the Commonwealth proper, where the most severe measures were mitigated into monetary fines or simply benign neglect of local authorities.[5]

Shortly before the Partitions of Poland, Polska Roma, like other non-Szlachta classes, were granted full citizenship by the Constitution of 3rd May. However, these privileges were lost with the partitions and the Polska Roma were forced back into servile status by the foreign powers (Austria, Prussia, Russia).

During the Polish partitions[edit]

After Poland's partitions, the persecution of Polska Roma became more severe, particularly in the Russian partition. As a result, the group's population's size declined, at one point falling to as low as 1000 persons within Congress Poland. Finally, the 19th century saw an influx of other Romani into the territories of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, particularly the Kalderash and Lovari. These groups competed economically against the Polska Roma within their traditional crafts.

Interwar Poland[edit]

After Poland regained its independence, Polish authorities tended to recognize the Kalderash as the overall representatives of the Roma population in the country. Consequently, the "gypsy kings" during this period were chosen from among the Kalderash, and policy generally reflected this group's interests, often at the expense of the Polska Roma. Like most other Romani sub-groups within Poland who were not Kalderash, the latter did not recognize the authority of these representatives. The Polska Roma had their own kings whom they call (Szero Rom [pl]), one of which was Henryk Nudziu Kozłowski [pl].

Porajmos[edit]

Roma women in the Lublin ghetto, 1940

After the German invasion and occupation of Poland the Nazis carried out a planned genocide of the Roma population as part of the final solution. Polska Roma, along with other Romani groups in Poland were very much affected. Generally, while other Roma were usually placed in ghettos and then sent to Nazi concentration camps, the German SS usually murdered Polska Roma (as well as the Bergitka Roma) in mass executions in forests and secluded places (for example in the Szczurowa massacre).

After World War II[edit]

Roma girls near Konin, 1970

While prior to World War II a small portion of Polska Roma had become sedentary, most continued a traditional nomadic way of life. Unlike the Lovarii and Kalderash, who often engaged in cross-national Europe-wide travels, Polska Roma tended to stay within the borders of interwar Poland or neighboring countries.

After the war, however, the communist government of People's Poland instituted a policy aimed at the "settling" of the Roma population which had survived the Holocaust. Initially, this took the form of financial incentives - including free housing and "settlement funds" - but because the policy did not achieve the goals the communist authorities hoped for, by the late 1950s the policy evolved into one of forced settlement and outright prohibitions against the "nomadic" lifestyle. All Polska Roma had to register, "vagrancy" was outlawed, and Roma's parents were often jailed if their children failed to attend the same school throughout the year (which was impossible in the context of a nomadic lifestyle). This forced policy resulted in about 80% of the previously nomadic Roma becoming settled, while a portion of the remainder went underground. Still, others emigrated abroad.

The Polska Roma poet Papusza (Bronisława Wajs) became nationally renowned during this period, as did her nephew, Edward Dębicki.

Polska Roma today[edit]

Edward Dębicki with the Roma musical group Terno in Gorzów Wielkopolski in 2007.

Today the Polska Roma live throughout Poland except southern Poland. In southern Poland, the Carpathian Roma (also called Bergitka Roma) in the area around Nowy Sącz, in Podhale and Spisz.[5]

In June 1991 the Mława riot occurred, which was a series of violent incidents against Polska Roma that broke out after one Polish man was killed and another Polish man was permanently harmed when a Romani teenager drove into three ethnic Poles in a crosswalk, killing one, then fled the scene of the accident.[7] After the accident a rioting mob attacked wealthy Romani settlements in the Polish town of Mława. Both the Mława police chief[8] and University of Warsaw sociology researchers[7] said that the pogrom was primarily due to class envy (some Romani have grown wealthy in the gold and automobile trades). At the time, the mayor of the town, as well as the Romani involved and other residents, said the incident was not racially motivated.[8]

During the coverage of the riot, a change in ethnic stereotypes about Roma in Poland was mentioned: A Roma is no longer poor, dirty, or cheerful. They also do not beg or pretend to be lowly. Nowadays a Roma drives a high-status car, lives in a fancy mansion, flaunts his wealth, brags that the local authorities and the police are on his pay and thus he is not afraid of anybody. At the same time he is, as before, a swindler, a thief, a hustler, a dodger of military service and a holder of a legal, decent job.[9] Negative "meta-stereotypes" – or the Romas' own perceptions regarding the stereotypes that members of the dominant groups hold about their own group – were described by the Polish Roma Society in an attempt to intensify the dialogue about exclusionism.[10]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Tcherenkov, Lev; Laederich, Stéphane (2004). The Rroma: otherwise known as Gypsies, Gitanos, Gyphtoi, Tsiganes, T,igani, Çingene, Zigeuner, Bohémiens, Travellers, Fahrende, etc. Basel: Schwabe. ISBN 978-3-7965-2090-7.
  2. ^ Matkowska, Justyna (2017). "The Cultural Comparative Study of the Roma Community and Bohemians. Prolegomena" [Polish] (PDF). Kultura I Edukacja. 4 (118). Justyna Matkowska Institute of Polish Philology University of Wrocław, Poland: 139–150. doi:10.15804/kie.2017.04.10.
  3. ^ Tcherenkov, Lev; Laederich, Stéphane (2004). The Rroma: otherwise known as Gypsies, Gitanos, Gyphtoi, Tsiganes, T,igani, Çingene, Zigeuner, Bohémiens, Travellers, Fahrende, etc. Basel: Schwabe. ISBN 978-3-7965-2090-7.
  4. ^ a b Mroz, Lech (1992). Geneza Cyganów i ich kultury (in Polish). Poland: Wydawnictwo Fundacji Historia Pro Futuro. p. 295. ISBN 83-85408019-3. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: length (help)
  5. ^ a b c d Adam Bartosz, "Nie boj sie cygana/Na dara rromesoar", Pograniczne, Sejny, 1994, S. 71
  6. ^ Kowarska, Agnieszka J. (2005). Polska Roma: tradycja i nowoczesność. Studia ethnologica. Warszawa: Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego : Wydawn. DiG. ISBN 978-83-7181-355-9.
  7. ^ a b Rebecca Jean Emigh; Szelényi, Iván (2001). Poverty, Ethnicity, and Gender in Eastern Europe During the Market Transition. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 101–102. ISBN 978-0-275-96881-6. Retrieved 13 September 2019.
  8. ^ a b "Poles Vent Their Economic Rage on Gypsies". The New York Times. July 25, 1991. Retrieved 13 September 2019.
  9. ^ Anna Giza-Poleszczuk, Jan Poleszczuk, Raport "Cyganie i Polacy w Mławie - konflikt etniczny czy społeczny?" (Report "Romani and Poles in Mława - Ethnic or Social Conflict?") commissioned by Centre for Public Opinion Research, Warsaw, December 1992, pp. 16- 23, Sections III and IV "Cyganie w PRL-u stosunki z polską większością w Mławie" and "Lata osiemdziesiąte i dziewięćdziesiąte".
  10. ^ Gerlich, Marian Grzegorz; Kwiatkowski, Roman. "Romowie. Rozprawa o poczuciu wykluczenia" (in Polish). Stowarzyszenie Romów w Polsce. Okazuje się, że ów metastereotyp – rodzaj wyobrażenia Romów o tym, jak są postrzegani przez "obcych" – jest wizerunkiem nasyconym prawie wyłącznie cechami negatywnymi.